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Statement of Senator Patrick Leahy, Chairman, Senate Judiciary
Committee,
Executive Business Meeting On The Leahy-Specter-Feinstein-Biden-Durbin-Edwards
Substitute Amendment to S. 486,
The Innocence Protection Act
July 11, 2002
Today this Committee
is doing something that I have urged for a long time: We are marking
up a version of S.486, the Innocence Protection Act. The legislation
before us, the Leahy-Specter-Feinstein-Biden-Durbin substitute
amendment to that bill, is not a cure-all for the criminal justice
system, or even for the capital punishment system, but it is a very
good bill. It reflects careful thought, and principled compromise,
concerning the key reforms necessary to protect the innocent, and
about the needs of law enforcement and States' rights. If we can pass
it out of Committee today, and bring it to a vote this year, that will
be a significant victory, not just for the many of us who have worked
on it, but for American justice.
Over the past year,
this Committee has held four hearings on the flaws in our nation's
capital punishment system, which have repeatedly landed innocent
people on death row. I believe that the members of this Committee have
listened to the evidence carefully, and I am hopeful that we have
reached a broad consensus, spanning Republicans and Democrats, those
who support and those who oppose the death penalty.
One of Congress's
most important responsibilities is to turn this sort of strong
bipartisan consensus on fundamental principles of justice into
practical legislation. So I am delighted today to recognize my
colleagues who have worked hard and long to do just that in the area
of capital punishment reform. First, I want to commend and thank Bill
Delahunt and Ray LaHood, the lead sponsors of the Innocence Protection
Act in the House. Their commitment to this legislation has been truly
outstanding. I also want to thank their cosponsors - there are now 240
cosponsors of the House bill - as well as Gordon Smith, Susan Collins,
and all the other cosponsors of S.486. I am especially grateful to all
the Members of the Committee who have worked with me on this effort.
Senator Feingold is an original cosponsor of S.486, and a powerful
voice in the national debate on capital punishment. Senators Kennedy,
Durbin, Cantwell, and Edwards are also cosponsors of S.486. Senator
Feinstein has worked with me for the past year to find common ground
on DNA and counsel provisions that would enable us to move forward
together. Senator Specter brought his experience as a prosecutor to
bear in crafting a bill that complements the Innocence Protection Act;
several of his proposals have been incorporated in the substitute
amendment. We also benefitted from Senator Biden's vast experience in
the criminal justice system, and I welcome his cosponsorship of the
substitute amendment. Now let me turn to the specifics of the
substitute amendment before the Committee.
Title I of the
substitute amendment ensures that post-conviction DNA testing will be
available in appropriate cases, where it can help expose wrongful
convictions. It establishes the procedures to be followed in the
federal system, and it requires States to adopt comparable procedures
as a condition of receiving federal funds for DNA-related programs. In
addition, it adopts the view of two federal judges - Judge Luttig of
the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals and Judge Weiner of the Eastern
District of Pennsylvania - that inmates have a constitutional right to
access biological evidence for the purpose of DNA testing.
Title II of the
substitute amendment addresses the counsel issue. It establishes a
grant program for States to improve the systems by which they appoint
and compensate lawyers in death cases. States that authorize capital
punishment may apply for these grants or not, as they wish. If they
accept the money, they must open themselves up to a set of controls,
which are designed to ensure that their systems truly meet basic
standards. If a State does not wish to participate in this program,
then the money will be used to fund one or more organizations in the
State that provide legal services in capital cases.
Title III of the
substitute amendment addresses the bizarre spectacle that occurs when
the Supreme Court grants a petition and agrees to hear an appeal by a
death row inmate, but then renders that decision meaningless by
failing to stay the inmate's execution while that appeal is pending.
We owe a great debt to Senator Specter for raising this issue and
devising a solution under which stays of execution would be automatic
when the Supreme Court grants a petition to a death row inmate.
The remaining
provisions of the substitute amendment relate to compensation of the
wrongfully convicted, and loan forgiveness for prosecutors and public
defenders. I thank Senator Durbin and Senator Kennedy for working out
the details of the loan forgiveness program, which will help State and
local prosecutor and public defender offices to recruit and retain the
most talented young lawyers. Those familiar with the original bill
that I introduced, S. 486, will notice several key differences in the
substitute amendment, which address the concerns of prosecutors and
States. In essence, the substitute amendment tightens requirements for
DNA testing to screen out frivolous applications, and seeks to improve
counsel systems through more of a carrot than a stick approach. We
will finally put an end to the sleeping lawyer syndrome, but in a
manner that is respectful of state prerogatives and that does not
interfere with the 1996 changes to habeas corpus law.
As I stated at the
outset of my remarks, the substitute amendment is a product of both
careful thought and principled compromise. In many - not all -
respects, I prefer the original S.486. For example, my understanding
of States' rights does not call for a completely hands-off approach to
habeas corpus when some States have consistently failed to provide
indigent defendants with competent lawyers. But the issues this bill
addresses are too important to play partisan gridlock games with.
The bill before the
Committee reflects a principled consensus on the most basic essential
reforms; it raises no serious constitutional or law enforcement
concerns; it will improve criminal justice in America considerably;
and it may well save innocent lives. I am therefore proud to sponsor
it, and I hope we can send it forward today with strong bipartisan
backing.
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