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Statement of Senator Patrick Leahy
On the “Medical Malpractice Insurance Antitrust Act of 2003”
February 11, 2003
Today I am pleased to introduce the “Medical
Malpractice Insurance Antitrust Act of 2003” along with Senators
Kennedy, Durbin, Edwards, Rockefeller, Reid, Boxer, Feingold, and
Corzine. In the deafening debate about medical malpractice, I believe
this legislation is a clear and calm statement about fixing one
significant part of the system that is broken – skyrocketing insurance
premiums for medical malpractice.
Our health care system is in crisis. We have
heard that statement so often that it has begun to lose the force of
its truth, but that truth is one we must confront and the crisis is
one we must abate.
Unfortunately, dramatically rising medical
malpractice insurance rates are forcing some doctors to abandon their
practices or to cross state lines to find more affordable situations.
Patients who need care in high-risk specialties – like obstetrics –
and patients in areas already under-served by health care providers –
like many rural communities – are too often left without adequate
care.
We are the richest and most powerful nation on
earth. We should be able to ensure access to quality health care to
all our citizens and to assure the medical profession that its members
will not be driven from their calling by the manipulations of the
malpractice insurance industry
The debate about the causes of this latest
insurance crisis and the possible cures grows shrill. I hope today’s
hearing will be a calmer and more constructive discussion. My
principal concerns are straightforward: That we ensure that our
nation’s physicians are able to provide the high quality of medical
care that our citizens deserve and for which the United States is
world-renowned, and that in those instances where a doctor does harm a
patient, that patient should be able to seek appropriate redress
through our court system.
To be sure, different states have different
experiences with medical malpractice insurance, and insurance remains
a largely state-regulated industry. Each state should endeavor to
develop its own solution to rising medical malpractice insurance rates
because each state has its own unique problems. Some states – such as
my own, Vermont – while experiencing problems, do not face as great a
crisis as others. Vermont’s legislature is at work to find the right
answers for our state, and the same process is underway now in other
states. To contrast, in states such as West Virginia, Pennsylvania,
Florida, and New Jersey, doctors are walking out of work in protest
over the exorbitant rates being extracted from them by their insurance
carriers.
Thoughtful solutions to the situation will
require creative thinking, a genuine effort to rectify the problem,
and bipartisan consensus to achieve real reform. Unfortunately, these
are not the characteristics of the Administration’s proposal.
Ignoring the central truth of this crisis – that it is a problem in
the insurance industry, not the tort system – the Administration has
proposed a plan that would cap non-economic damages at $250,000 in
medical malpractice cases. The notion that such a one-size-fits-all
scheme is the answer runs counter to the factual experience of the
states.
Most importantly, the President’s proposal does
nothing to protect true victims of medical malpractice. A cap of
$250,000 would arbitrarily limit compensation that the most seriously
injured patients are able to receive. The medical malpractice reform
debate too often ignores the men, women and children whose lives have
been dramatically – and often permanently – altered by medical errors
The President’s proposal would prevent such
individuals – even if they have successfully made their case in a
court of law – from receiving adequate compensation. We are fortunate
in this nation to have many highly qualified medical professionals,
and this is especially true in my own home state of Vermont.
Unfortunately, good doctors sometimes make errors. It is also
unfortunate that some not-so-good doctors manage to make their way
into the health care system as well. While we must do all that we can
to support the men and women who commit their professional lives to
caring for others, we must also ensure that patients have access to
adequate remedies should they receive inadequate care.
High malpractice insurance premiums are not the
result of malpractice lawsuit verdicts. They are the result of
investment decisions by the insurance companies and of business models
geared toward ever-increasing profits. But an insurer that has made a
bad investment, or that has experienced the same disappointments from
Wall Street that so many Americans have, should not be able to recoup
its losses from the doctors it insures. The insurance company should
have to bear the burdens of its own business model, just as the other
businesses in the economy do.
But another fact of the insurance industry’s
business model requires a legislative correction – its blanket
exemption from federal antitrust laws. Insurers have for years – too
many years – enjoyed a benefit that is novel in our marketplace. The
McCarran-Ferguson Act permits insurance companies to operate without
being subject to most of the federal antitrust laws, and our nation’s
physicians and their patients have been the worse off for it. Using
their exemption, insurers can collude to set rates, resulting in
higher premiums than true competition would achieve – and because of
this exemption, enforcement officials cannot investigate any such
collusion. If Congress is serious about controlling rising premiums,
we must objectively limit this broad exemption in the
McCarran-Ferguson Act.
That is
why today I introduce the “Medical Malpractice Insurance Antitrust Act
of 2003.” I want to thank Senators Kennedy, Durbin, Edwards,
Rockefeller, Reid, Boxer, Feingold, and Corzine for cosponsoring this
essential legislation. Our bill modifies the McCarran-Ferguson Act
with respect to medical malpractice insurance, and only for the most
pernicious antitrust offenses: price fixing, bid rigging, and market
allocations. Only those anticompetitive practices that most certainly
will affect premiums are addressed. I am hard pressed to imagine that
anyone could object to a prohibition on insurance carriers’ fixing
prices or dividing territories. After all, the rest of our nation’s
industries manage either to abide by these laws or pay the
consequences.
Many
state insurance commissioners police the industry well within the
power they are accorded in their own laws, and some states have
antitrust laws of their own that could cover some anticompetitive
activities in the insurance industry. Our legislation is a scalpel,
not a saw. It would not affect regulation of insurance by state
insurance commissioners and other state regulators. But there is no
reason to continue a system in which the federal enforcers are
precluded from prosecuting the most harmful antitrust violations just
because they are committed by insurance companies.
Our
legislation is a carefully tailored solution to one critical aspect of
the problem of excessive medical malpractice insurance rates. I hope
that quick action by the Judiciary Committee and then by the full
Senate, will ensure that this important step on the road to genuine
reform is taken before too much more damage is done to the physicians
of this country and to the patients they care for.
Only
professional baseball has enjoyed an antitrust exemption comparable to
that created for the insurance industry by the McCarran-Ferguson Act.
Senator Hatch and I have joined forces several times in recent years
to scale back that exemption for baseball, and in the Curt Flood Act
of 1998 we successfully eliminated the exemption as it applied to
employment relations. I hope we can work together again to create
more competition in the insurance industry, just as we did with
baseball.
If Congress is serious about controlling rising
medical malpractice insurance premiums, then we must limit the broad
exemption to federal antitrust law and promote real competition in the
insurance industry.
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