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Statement Of
Senator Patrick Leahy On The Senate Floor Concerning
The Cost Of War With Iraq
March 3, 2003
Mr. President, on
February 26, we listened to the distinguished senior Senator from West
Virginia, Senator Byrd, who pointed out with characteristic clarity
and eloquence the President’s failure to request a single dime in his
Fiscal Year 2004 budget, which he sent to Congress just weeks ago, to
finance a war with Iraq.
And as I listened
to the Senator’s remarks, I could not help but be struck, again, about
the cavalier and dismissive way that this Administration has dealt not
only with our allies and friends on the issue of disarming Iraq, but
also with the Congress and the American people.
Essentially,
their attitude has been, “we don’t need you, we don’t have to tell
you, but you had better support us.” And we have seen how
Administration officials have been globe trotting to entice – in some
cases offering billions of dollars and even trade concessions to the
disadvantage of American workers – other governments to support a war
against Iraq. Meanwhile, the Administration resists all efforts to
adequately assist first responders here at home who are on the front
lines of our homeland security.
Last week, even
the President acknowledged that the huge Omnibus Appropriations Act he
signed two weeks ago did not include sufficient funds for local and
state governments to protect their citizens against acts of terrorism
– something that Senator Byrd, I and others had been saying for
months.
Secretary
Rumsfeld’s response to questions about the cost of a war against Iraq,
is that it is “unknowable.” Senator Byrd mentioned this last week.
Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz has told the Congress the same thing.
Of course, no one
can predict with certainty how long a war will last, or precisely what
it would cost, not to mention the potentially immense costs of caring
for an estimated two million refugees and rebuilding Iraq.
But the
Secretary’s response is both convenient and totally unacceptable. The
American people should not be asked to send their sons and daughters
into battle without even a rudimentary understanding of what the
potential costs are, both in dollars and in American lives.
None of us
expects the Pentagon to calculate these costs with precision. But
there is no doubt that a war and its aftermath would cost tens, if not
hundreds, of billions of dollars, as the President’s former economic
adviser predicted.
In fact, the cost
of a war, at least one in which Saddam Hussein’s army is quickly
defeated as the Administration optimistically anticipates, has been
estimated by the Administration.
So what was to
prevent the President from at least requesting the best case scenario
– somewhere between $60 and 95 billion at last count – in his Fiscal
Year 2004 budget?
There is only one
explanation. The President did not want the American people to ask
whether, in the midst of a recession with no end in sight, with
millions of jobs already lost and more Americans becoming unemployed
every week, we can afford to spend tens or hundreds of billions of
dollars on a war that fully half of the American people do not
support.
Mr. President, I
want to see Saddam Hussein disarmed as much as anyone. His despotic
rein, and his obsession with acquiring weapons of mass destruction
while his people suffer, has been a disaster for his country and for
Iraq’s neighbors.
But if you look
back over the past several months, this Administration’s handling of
the Iraq issue has been notable for its doublespeak, its secrecy, and
its arrogance. One day they are dismissing the United Nations as
irrelevant, and the next day they are either making threats or making
billion dollar deals with allies or members of the Security Council to
win their support for a resolution authorizing the use of force.
Depending on who
the messenger is and whether they are speaking publicly or behind
closed doors, the President first said the goal was regime change,
then disarmament, and now both but that one cannot occur without the
other.
The President has
told the American people that he has not made a decision to attack
Iraq, yet his advisers are telling the rest of the world that the
decision has been made and the Security Council doesn’t matter because
we are going ahead regardless.
This is the
Administration’s attitude even while some of our closest allies work
to explore alternative options that could possibly avoid war. The
Administration’s rhetoric and actions have damaged key alliances and
weakened our ability to work with our allies and friends not only to
disarm Iraq, but to solve many other global problems. The
Administration’s approach has recklessly squandered the reservoir of
goodwill our nation had around the world in the aftermath of September
11.
And how will they
pay for this war? Not by requesting the funds in the budget. Of
course not. They will pay for it with red ink, by simply cranking up
the printing presses and adding to the deficit. Another hundred
billion, what’s the difference? That is the way they talk. And these
are some of the same people who only a few years ago were rallying
behind a proposed constitutional amendment to balance the budget.
This is the same
President who, at the time he took office, inherited a balanced
budget. It would be laughable for its hypocrisy if we were not
talking about American lives and the lives of innocent Iraqis.
It is possible
that the President’s advisers will be proven right, and that a war
will be over in a matter of weeks. That the Iraqi army will crumble
like a house of cards. That Saddam Hussein will not blow up his oil
wells and refineries. That he will not use chemical or biological
weapons. That our troops will not become bogged down in hand-to-hand
urban combat. That there will be few Iraqi civilians killed. That
predictions of massive unrest throughout the Muslim world in protest
of a U.S. military invasion of Iraq, and increases in the number of
terrorist attacks against Americans, will be proven groundless. That
the ethnic and religious factions within Iraq, some of which hate each
other, will put aside their differences and join together to build a
representative, democratic government. And that the President’s grand
vision – about which we have no details – to democratize the entire
Middle East, will be off to a successful start.
Let us hope so.
But it is also possible that any one of these dire predictions could
come true, and any one of them could be disastrous for our soldiers,
for innocent civilians, for the U.S. economy, for our national
interests abroad, for the Middle East, or for the world.
Wars are
unpredictable, and the real costs of a war against Iraq may not be
known until long after this President’s term is over. Who knew, back
in 1991, that thousands of Gulf War veterans would suffer from
unexplained, debilitating medical problems years after the war ended
and that many would never be able to work again? Who can say that
this war will not be the spark that ignites more terrorism against the
United States, perhaps not this year, or even next year, but in three
years? By that time, it will be too late.
We must think
about these things, even if the President would rather not talk about
them. We have a duty to ask what are the Administration’s real
motivations for this war. Is it to rid Iraq of weapons of mass
destruction? If so, why not give the UN inspectors the time they
need and a plan for enforcing disarmament? Is it to promote
democracy in Iraq? If so, why not begin with Kuwait, which we
liberated a decade ago and which remains a monarchy where women still
cannot even vote?
We have a duty to
ask these questions, and to warn the American people of the risks,
even if the President will not. And we must do everything we can to
be sure that if war comes, it is supported by the broadest possible
coalition.
I want to commend
the senior Senator from West Virginia for his remarks last week, and
for the other statements he has made on this issue. He has asked the
questions that need to be asked, and that the Administration needs to
answer, before this country goes to war.
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