Statement Of
Senator Patrick Leahy
Appropriations Committee Hearing
Fiscal Year 2004 Supplemental Request For Iraq Reconstruction
September 22, 2003
Mr. Chairman, I
welcome Ambassador Bremer. After President Bush, he probably has
the hardest job in the Federal Government. We appreciate the
efforts he is making under extremely dangerous and difficult
conditions.
Mr. Bremer, I am glad you are here. I also
want to thank your office and OMB for the detailed justification
materials you sent up with this Supplemental request.
I don’t know whether, after this bill is
written, I will vote for or against this Supplemental, but I want to
use my time to make this point: The President has gotten us into a
costly and dangerous situation in Iraq. We are at a crucial
juncture. American lives, resources, and credibility are on the
line. The next twelve months will have lasting consequences for
decades.
We need straight talk and candid answers.
Since the fall of Baghdad, practically
everything the White House and the Pentagon predicted about Iraq has
turned out to be wrong.
Yet you would hardly know it from listening to
officials in Washington who give evasive and overly-optimistic
assessments, or who question the patriotism of those who are not
satisfied with empty rhetoric. We get a very different picture from
those who are out working in the field with the Iraqi people.
Vice President Cheney said Saddam Hussein had
reconstituted nuclear weapons.
No weapons of mass destruction have yet been
found.
Last week President Bush conceded there was no
link between Saddam and 9/11.
Vice President Cheney said our troops would be
treated as liberators. I am sure that most Iraqis are grateful that
we removed Saddam Hussein. But it is clear the Iraqi people
increasingly don’t want us there.
A New York Times article last week,
entitled “Iraqis’ Bitterness Is Called Bigger Threat Than Terror,”
described this growing problem.
Mr. Ambassador, you may disagree with that.
But it is hard to overlook such warnings when
our soldiers – who have performed so bravely and so admirably – are
ambushed and killed. There also seems to be increasing jubilation
in the streets, and apparently not just by the remnants of Saddam’s
regime.
Then, there is the issue of cost. Five months
ago we passed a Wartime Supplemental with $2.5 billion for
reconstruction in Iraq. At the time we were told that was all that
U.S. taxpayers would be asked for this year. That, we have learned,
was a gross miscalculation.
Former OMB Director Mitch Daniels said the
total cost could be between $50 and $60 billion. Deputy Defense
Secretary Wolfowitz said, quote, “We’re dealing with a country that
can really finance its own reconstruction, and relatively soon. The
oil revenues of that country could bring between $50 and $100
billion over the course of the next two or three years.”
We now know those predictions were wildly off
the mark. When they saw the $87 billion price tag, it gave many
Americans sticker shock and awe. It also has had that effect here
in the Congress.
Counting this Supplemental, we will spend more
than $100 billion in the first year to rebuild Iraq. And it is
clear that the Administration will be back for many more tens of
billions of dollars before next year is out.
We don’t have this money in the bank. It is
red ink. We are headed for a $1 trillion deficit, which will fall
squarely on the backs of our children and grandchildren.
Not to mention the harm that fiscal
irresponsibility of this magnitude would bring to our current
economy, or to our other national priorities – our schools, our
health care, or our ability to fix Medicare and Social Security, for
instance.
One of the reasons many of us disagreed with
the Administration’s decision to attack Iraq without the support of
the United Nations is that it would be far harder to rebuild Iraq on
our own.
It would have been far better if the
Administration had not alienated our allies through arrogance, or
snubbed Mexico and Canada, only to find ourselves needing their
support today.
The President, and other members of his
Administration, have not explained how this Supplemental will turn
things around, transfer power to the Iraqis, and start bringing our
soldiers home.
We are told that the security problems will be
solved by rebuilding the Iraqi Army, but that will take years, as we
have seen in Afghanistan where crime and violence today are on the
rise.
I worry that our soldiers and relief workers
will continue to die, attempts to rebuild will continue to be
thwarted by saboteurs, and the Iraqi people’s support will continue
to erode.
It is a long, long road from the Iraqi
Governing Council to a viable democracy. Even if that is possible –
and it is a big if – guess who is going to be there until the job is
done. We are. Our soldiers. Our aid workers. Our diplomats. Our
money.
We need to know when the Iraqis can take
control of their country. We need to know how much it may cost, how
long it may take, and how many American troops may be needed in the
years to come.
We cannot continue to drift along, spending
more than $1 billion a week, with no plan, no timetable, every week
another four or five Americans killed or wounded, and the growing
resentment of the Iraqi people.
It is long past time
to abandon the same old ‘go it alone’ strategy that has squandered –
on wholesale magnitudes – the goodwill and the tangible support of
the international community. We need to get the international
community to work with us, so we can bring our soldiers home sooner
rather than later.
Ambassador Bremer, I hope you won’t take my
criticisms personally. You inherited a policy without a strategy,
and we want to help you succeed.
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