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U.S. SENATOR PATRICK LEAHY

CONTACT: Office of Senator Leahy, 202-224-4242

VERMONT


Leahy Opposes Nomination Of Priscilla Owen;
Panel Approves Nominee On Party-Line Vote

WASHINGTON (Thursday, April 21, 2005) – The Senate Judiciary Committee, in a 10-8 party-line vote, reported out the controversial judicial nomination of Priscilla Owen on Thursday.  All eight Democratic members of the Committee voted against the nomination, which now moves to the full Senate.  Owen is nominated to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals.  The Senate rejected her nomination last Congress, with Democrats opposing Owen based on her record of judicial activism and established bias against consumers and victims. A statement from Senator Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.), the ranking Democratic member of the panel, opposing the nomination, follows, as well as background material on Owen’s record.

Statement Of Senator Patrick Leahy
On The Nomination Of Priscilla Owen
To The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
April 21, 2005

Three years ago I first considered the nomination of Priscilla Owen to be a judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit.  After reviewing her record, hearing her testimony and evaluating her answers I voted against her confirmation and explained at length why I did not support her confirmation.  Nothing about her record or the reasons that led me then to vote against confirmation has changed since that time.  Unlike the consideration of the nomination of William Myers, on which this Committee held another hearing this year before seeking reconsideration, there has been no effort to supplement the record on this nomination.  It was, in my view, inadequate to justify a favorable reporting of the nomination in 2002 and was inadequate to gain the consent of the Senate during the last two years.  

I suspect that as this controversial renomination makes its way to the Senate floor, again, it will be used to trigger a partisan-driven scorched-earth deployment by Senate Republicans of their “nuclear option.”     

In the 107th Congress, when I served as Chairman of the Committee, Justice Owen was treated with extreme fairness, and given due process and consideration by this Committee.  Senator Feinstein chaired a very evenhanded hearing, noticeable for its fairness and calm.  Those who had concerns about her record raised them and heard the nominee's responses, in private meetings, at her public hearing and in written follow-up questions.  I brought her nomination up for a vote, and following an open debate where her opponents discussed her record and their objections on the merits, the nomination was rejected.  She was accorded courtesy and fairness and her nomination was openly debated and rejected.  That fair treatment stands in sharp contrast to the way Republicans had treated President Clinton’s nominees, including several to the Fifth Circuit. 

That should have ended things right there.  But looking back, we now see that this nomination represents how the White House and Senate Republicans will trample on precedent and do whatever is necessary in order to get every last nominee of this President’s confirmed, no matter how extreme he or she may be.  Priscilla Owen’s nomination was the first judicial nomination ever to be resubmitted after already being debated, voted upon and rejected by the Senate Judiciary Committee.  

When the Senate majority shifted, Republicans reconsidered this nomination and sent it to the Senate on a straight, party-line vote.  When they had been in the majority they had refused to hold hearings on President Clinton’s Fifth Circuit nominees from Texas for this same vacancy -- Enrique Moreno and Judge Jorge Rangel. 

Senators who opposed this nomination did so because Priscilla Owen’s record shows her to be an ends-oriented activist judge.  I have previously explained my views of Justice Owen’s record.  I have noted the criticism her decisions engendered from others on the conservative Texas Supreme Court, and how her rulings favored the interests of big business over ordinary people.

Today, I will just highlight some of the cases that illustrate these points:

Criticism By Texas Republican Majority

The first area of concern to me is Justice Owen's extremism even among a conservative Supreme Court of Texas.  The conservative Republican majority of the Texas Supreme Court has gone out of its way to criticize Justice Owen, and the fact that she joined dissents in ways that are highly unusual and that highlight her ends-oriented activism.  A number of Texas Supreme Court Justices have pointed out how far from the language of statute she has strayed in her attempts to push the law beyond what the legislature intended.

One example of criticism from the majority is the court’s opinion in the case of Weiner v. Wasson, 900 S.W.2d 316 (Tex. 1995).  Part of it, written by our colleague, then-Justice Cornyn, reads as a lecture to the dissent, which included Owen, on the importance of abiding by a prior Texas Supreme Court decision.  As written back then, it is hard to read it any other way than as a painstakingly elementary exegesis on why adherence to precedent is important.

In Montgomery Independent School District v. Davis, 34 S.W. 3d 559 (Tex. 2000), Justice Owen wrote another dissent which drew fire from a conservative Republican majority -- this time for her disregard for legislative language.  The majority, which included Alberto Gonzales and two other appointees of then-Governor Bush, was quite explicit about its view that Justice Owen's position disregarded the law.

In Collins v. Ison-Newsome, 73 S.W.3d 178 -- another dissent, this time joined by Justice Owen -- was roundly criticized by the Republican majority of the Texas Supreme Court.   The Court cogently stated the legal basis for its conclusion that it had no jurisdiction to decide the matter before it, and, as in other opinions where Justice Owen was in dissent, took time to explicitly criticize the dissent's positions as contrary to the clear letter of the law.  Again, Justice Owen joined a dissent that the Republican majority described as defiant of legislative intent and in disregard of legislatively drawn limits.

Some of the most striking examples of criticism of Justice Owen's writings, or the dissents and concurrences she joins, come in a series of parental notification cases heard in 2000.  They include:

  • In re Jane Doe 1, where the majority included an unusual section explaining its view of the proper role of judges, admonishing the dissent joined by Justice Owen for going beyond its duty to interpret the law in an attempt to fashion policy. 

  • Giving a pointed critique of the dissenters, the majority explained that, AIn reaching the decision to grant Jane Doe's application, we have put aside our personal viewpoints and endeavored to do our job as judges -- that is, to interpret and apply the Legislature's will as it has been expressed in the statute.   19 S.W.3d 346.

  • In a separate concurrence, Justice Alberto Gonzales wrote that to the construe law as the dissent did, Awould be an unconscionable act of judicial activism.

  • In In re Jane Doe 3, Justice Enoch wrote specifically to rebuke Justice Owen and her follow dissenters for misconstruing the legislature's definition of the sort of abuse that may occur when parents are notified of a minor's intent to have an abortion, saying, Aabuse is abuse; it is neither to be trifled with nor its severity to be second guessed.

In one case that is perhaps the exception that proves the rule, Justice Owen wrote a majority opinion that was bitterly criticized by the dissent for its activism.  In In re City of Georgetown, 53 S.W. 3d 328, (Tex. 2001), Justice Owen wrote a majority opinion finding that the city did not have to give The Austin American-Statesman a report prepared by a consulting expert in connection with pending and anticipated litigation because such information was expressly made confidential under other law, namely the Texas Rules of Civil Procedure.  The dissent is extremely critical of Justice Owen's opinion, citing Texas law's strong preference for disclosure and liberal construction. 

These examples, together with the unusually harsh language directed at Justice Owen's position by the majority in the Doe cases, show a judge out of step with the conservative Republican majority of the Texas Supreme Court, a majority not afraid to explain the danger of her activist views.

Judicial Activism Showing Bias Against Consumers, Victims, Individuals

I am also greatly concerned about Justice Owen's record of ends-oriented decisionmaking as a Justice on the Texas Supreme Court.  As one reads case after case, particularly those in which she was the sole dissenter or dissented with the extreme right wing of the Court, her pattern of activism becomes clear.  Her legal views in so many cases involving statutory interpretation simply cannot be reconciled with the plain meaning of the statute, the legislative intent, or the majority's interpretation, leading to the conclusion that she sets out to justify some pre-conceived idea of what the law ought to mean.  This is not an appropriate way for a judge to make decisions.  This is a judge whose record reflects that she is willing and sometimes eager to make law from the bench. 

A few examples include:

FM Properties v. City of Austin, where Justice Owen showed her willingness to rule in favor of large private landowners against the clear public interest in maintaining a fair regulatory process and clean water.  Her dissent, which the majority characterized as, Anothing more than inflammatory rhetoric,@ was an attempt to favor big landowners.  At her first hearing, and since, Justice Owen and her supporters on the Committee have tried to recast this case as something more innocent, but at the time she wrote her dissent, Justice Owen was certainly clear about the meaning of this case -- property rights for big corporations.

GTE Southwest, Inc. v. Bruce, is another example where Justice Owen wrote in favor of GTE in a lawsuit by employees for intentional infliction of emotional distress.  Despite the majority’s recitation of an exhaustive list of sickening behavior by the supervisor, and its clear application of Texas law to those facts, Justice Owen wrote a concurring opinion to explain that the conduct was not, as the standard requires, Aso outrageous in character, and so extreme in degree, as to go beyond all possible bounds of decencyY@  Id.  at 621.  The majority opinion shows Justice Owen's concurrence advocating an inexplicable point of view that ignores the facts in evidence in order to reach a predetermined outcome in the corporation's favor.

In City of Garland v. Dallas Morning News, 22 S.W. 3d 351 (Tex. 2000), Justice Owen dissented from a majority opinion and, again, it is difficult to justify her views other than as based on a desire to reach a particular outcome, this time shielding government decision-making from public view. 

Quantum Chemical v. Toennies, 47 S.W. 3d 473 (Tex. 2001), is another troubling case where Justice Owen joined a dissent advocating an activist interpretation of a clearly written statute, this time in the context of employment discrimination.  The Texas majority concluded that they must rely on the plain language of the statute as amended, which could not be any clearer that under Title VII discrimination can be shown to be Aa@ motivating factor, contrary to Justice Owen’s more activist view. 

Notification Cases

Justice Owen has also demonstrated her tendency toward ends-oriented decision making quite clearly in a series of dissents and concurrences in cases involving a Texas law providing for a judicial bypass of parental notification requirements for minors seeking abortions.  I know recently distributed materials attempt to paint Justice Owen’s parental notification cases in a more favorable light, but I think we all see those attempts for the revisionism they are.

Any fair reading of her opinions in these cases shows that in 11 of 12 decisions involving judicial bypass, which affected 10 different young women, Owen voted either to deny or to create greater obstacles to a bypass.  Any fair reading of her language shows a jurist uncomfortable with the legislature’s choices, trying mightily to impose her own.  And any reading of Alberto Gonzales’s separate concurrence in one of the cases shows that at least one of her Republican colleagues considered her views to represent “unconscionable judicial activism.”  This is not the sort of judge who deserves a lifetime appointment to the federal bench.

Conclusion

When he nominated Priscilla Owen, President Bush said that his standard for judging judicial nominees would be that they Ashare a commitment to follow and apply the law, not to make law from the bench.@  Priscilla Owen's record of ends-oriented judicial activism does not qualify her under that standard for a lifetime appointment to the federal bench.  

The President has often spoken of judicial activism without acknowledging that ends-oriented decision making can come easily to ideological conservative nominees.  In the case of Priscilla Owen, we see a perfect example of such an approach to the law, and I cannot support it.  The oath taken by federal judges affirms their commitment to Aadminister justice without respect to persons, and do equal right to the poor and to the rich.@  No one who enters a federal courtroom should have to wonder whether he or she will be fairly heard by the judge.  Justice Priscilla Owen's record of judicial activism and ends-oriented decision making leaves me with grave doubt about her ability to be a fair judge.  The President says he opposes putting judicial activists on the federal bench, yet Justice Priscilla Owen unquestionably is a judicial activist.  I cannot vote to confirm her for this appointment to one of the highest courts in the land.

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(Background material on Justice Owen’s Record)

PRISCILLA OWEN – NOMINEE TO THE U.S. COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT FROM TEXAS

PRISCILLA OWEN IS AN ENDS-ORIENTED JUDICIAL ACTIVIST SHOWING BIAS AGAINST CONSUMERS, VICTIMS, INDIVIDUAL PLAINTIFFS

In case after case involving a variety of legal issues, the judicial record of Justice Priscilla Owen shows her to be a judicial activist, willing to make law from the bench rather than follow the language and intent of the legislature. 

She has demonstrated this tendency most clearly in a series of dissents in cases involving a Texas law providing for a judicial bypass of parental notification requirements for minors seeking abortions.  She sought to erect barriers that did not exist in the statute.

In addition to cases dealing with parental notification, Justice Owen’s activism and extremism is noteworthy in a variety of cases, including those dealing with business interests, malpractice, access to public information, employment discrimination and Texas Supreme Court jurisdiction, in which she rules against individual plaintiffs time and time again.

THE CONSERVATIVE MAJORITY’S CRITICISM OF JUSTICE OWEN IS DISTURBING AND HIGHLIGHTS HER ACTIVISM

Priscilla Owen’s position as a frequent dissenter on the Texas Supreme Court filled with Republican appointees highlights her activist bent, showing how far from the language of the statute she strays in her attempts to push the law beyond what the legislature intended.

Criticisms of her dissents by the majority include the following, unusual in legal writing for their harsh tone:

  • In FM Properties v. City of Austin, the majority calls her dissent, “nothing more than inflammatory rhetoric.”

  • In Montgomery Independent School District v. Davis, the majority (which included Alberto Gonzales and two other Bush appointees) is quite explicit about its view that Owen’s position disregards the law, saying that “nothing in the statute requires” what she says it does, and that, “the dissenting opinion’s misconception . . . stems from its disregard of the procedural elements the Legislature established,” and that the, “dissenting opinion not only disregards the procedural limitations in the statute but takes a position even more extreme than that argued for by the board. . .”

  • In In re Jane Doe, the majority includes an extremely unusual section explaining its view of the proper role of judges, admonishing the dissent joined by Justice Owen for going beyond its duty to interpret the law in an attempt to fashion policy, and in a separate concurrence, Justice Alberto Gonzales says that to the construe law as the dissent did, “would be an unconscionable act of judicial activism.” 

  • In Weiner v. Wasson, in what reads as a lecture to the dissent, then-Justice John Cornyn (now Senator Cornyn) explains stare decisis on behalf of the majority, in language that would be used with a beginning law student.

  • In In re Jane Doe 3, Justice Enoch writes specifically to rebuke Owen and her follow dissenters for misconstruing the legislature’s definition of the sort of abuse that may occur when parents are notified of a minor’s intent to have an abortion, saying, “abuse is abuse; it is neither to be trifled with nor its severity to be second guessed.” 

PRISCILLA OWEN SHOWS INSUFFICIENT CONCERN OVER ETHICAL ISSUES

Priscilla Owen’s record on money-related ethical issues is more troubling than her colleagues’ (who also receive campaign contributions) because her money comes from a small group of special business interests, who advance clear anti-consumer and anti-choice agendas, and her record has shows that her donors enjoy greater success before her than before the majority of the Court.

She has repeatedly presided over cases involving law firms or litigants who contributed substantially to her election campaigns, failing to either disclose such contributions to the parties before her or disqualify herself.  Although disclosure or recusal is not required under controlling Texas law, Owen’s failure to disclose indicates that she lacks the moral and ethical commitment to act in a manner that promotes public confidence in the integrity and impartiality of the judiciary. 

She made dismissive comments on an important ethical issue, the “clerk perk” scandal, again indicating a lack of concern for ethical issues and the independence of the judiciary.  She dismissed the important ethical and criminal misconduct issues raised by the fact that the Court’s law clerks were receiving bonuses from their future law firm employers, who regularly argue cases before the Court, as merely “a political issue that is being dressed up as a good government issue” and urged the legislature to make these unethical bonuses legal.

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