Remarks Of Sen. Patrick Leahy
Domestic Surveillance: Privacy Challenges In The Post-9/11 Era
16th Annual Conference On Computers, Freedom & Privacy:
Life, Liberty And Digital Rights
L’ Enfant Plaza Hotel
Washington, D.C.
Wednesday, May 3, 2006
I welcome
this opportunity to talk about the state of privacy in an age of
new technology and growing challenges. I thank your conference
chair, Frank Torres, for his leadership and thank all the
privacy experts, computer professionals, and representatives
from government and business, who have gathered here today to
talk about these timely issues.
Convergence
I would
like to touch on what I see as the convergence of three trends:
The first trend is our post-9/11 interest in security, sometimes
at the expense of other interests, such as privacy and long-held
civil liberties.
Second is
the digital data and micro-monitoring revolution – new
technological capabilities that threaten to swamp our ability to
draw appropriate privacy boundaries.
And the
third trend in this convergence is the rapid post-9/11 rise of
partnerships between government and private data collectors, and
the outsourcing of data banking and data mining functions that
used to be handled by government agencies.
This
outsourcing already is blurring the few lines of privacy
protection that once protected the public. The insightful
privacy writer Bob O’Harrow of The Washington Post has
described these new private data agencies as “mini-CIAs.”
If these
trends continue, then before too long we will tend to think of
privacy as a quaint 20th Century American value that
no longer applies to our everyday lives.
That would
be a different American society than we have known, and that is
worth defending.
People Want To
BE Safer
In our
post-9/11 world, security is the touchstone for an ever-widening
array of federal policies and programs, while the technology
that facilitates this shift has begun to advance at breakneck
speed.
As we
struggle to protect ourselves from threats like terrorism,
technology often has been our crucial, but silent, partner in
helping us to ramp up our law enforcement and national security
capabilities. We in this city are profoundly aware of the new
risks we face. But we also need to get it right.
The public
does not want false assurances, nor do they want to be unduly
alarmed.
What the
American people want is to actually be safer. And we
still have a way to go in accomplishing that.
Security And
Liberty
In our
constitutional system there is always tension between liberty
and security, and especially so after September 11th.
One of the difficult challenges we face is to strike the right
midpoint. Our constitutional checks and balances are intended
to help us do that.
The
technologies available to us today offer tools that are better,
faster and smarter, on scales of magnitude that are
unprecedented. As an advocate and an enthusiast of emerging
technologies, I watch these breakthroughs with great interest.
Technology
has always played a significant role in shaping our laws on
information privacy.
In the face
of technology that makes it easier to delve more deeply into our
private lives, Congress has increasingly been called upon to
confront the question of the proper scope of privacy.
I have
promoted the use of new technologies by law enforcement
agencies, while also protecting our privacy and constitutional
freedoms.
That was
the balance I sought to strike in my work on CALEA, the USA
PATRIOT Act and in other legislation that blends law
enforcement’s needs, the needs of our vital technology sector,
and the privacy interests of the American people. Right now I
am working with others to enact federal legislation to ensure
the privacy and security of our personal data, which is more and
more collected, stored and disseminated by our government and
commercial data brokers.
The
Micro-Monitoring Revolution
The
marriage of information-gathering technology with
information-storing technology, manipulated in increasingly
sophisticated databases, is beginning to produce the defining
privacy challenge of the information age.
Modern databases, networks and the Internet allow us to easily
collect, store, distribute and combine video, audio and other
digital trails of our daily transactions.
We are on the
verge of a revolution in micro-monitoring – the
capability for the highly detailed, largely automatic,
widespread surveillance of our daily lives.
Government Surveillance In The Post-9/11 Era
And one of the
most dramatic and dazzling new challenges we all will be facing
during the micro-monitoring revolution is the government’s
growing use of information-gathering technology to conduct
surveillance on the activities of American citizens.
After the attacks
of 9/11, the Bush Administration declared the continental United
States a theater of military operations for the first time since
the Civil War. U.S. military and law enforcement agencies have
since used cutting-edge technology to implement new surveillance
programs to improve national security.
These programs –
which include sophisticated eavesdropping capabilities, Radio
Frequency Identification – or “RFID” – technology, and the
mining of large databases of information from sources such as
local police, military personnel and the Internet – greatly
enhance the government’s ability to combat terrorism. However,
these technologies also bring to the forefront serious public
policy questions about the proper scope of privacy in the
information age.
On December 17,
2005 – one day after the existence of the program was reported
by The New York Times – the President admitted that the
Bush-Cheney Administration has engaged in secret wiretapping of
ordinary Americans without warrants for more than four years.
The Administration
maintains that the congressional resolution authorizing the use
of military force against al Qaeda – a resolution that says
nothing at all about wiretapping – also authorized this secret,
warrantless wiretapping of Americans inside the United States.
During the Senate
Judiciary Committee’s hearings on the NSA spying program, I
pointed out that the Administration’s legal justification for
this program simply cannot be squared with the FISA law and the
Constitution. If, as they claim, the Bush Administration can
ignore FISA’s express prohibition of warrantless wiretapping,
can the government also eavesdrop on purely domestic phone
calls?
Can it search or
electronically bug an American’s home or office, or comb through
Americans’ medical records and open first-class mail? These are
all burning questions to which Congress and the American people
deserve answers.
In March, the
LA Times and Seattle Post-Intelligencer reported that
federal government antiterrorism agencies conducted surveillance
on longtime Quaker peace activist Glen Milner during the 2003
Seafair festival.
Defense Secretary
Donald Rumsfeld told the Senate last month that the Department
of Homeland Security was the source of information in Pentagon
databases about at least three antiwar protests at military
recruiting centers – two in my own state of Vermont and one here
in Washington.
Just last week, the Wall Street Journal
reported that the Pentagon has conducted several post-9/11
surveillance programs within U.S. borders to track the
activities of more than 20 antiwar groups around the country.
We need only look
to history in order to determine the chilling effects of
surveillance on the right to protest and to express dissent in
our nation. Throughout the civil rights movement, the FBI
monitored Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and other civil rights
leaders, engaging in a pattern of illegal harassment and
surveillance.
The Senate’s 1975
investigation led by Senator Frank Church found that during the
Vietnam War era, our government collected information on more
than 100,000 Americans, infiltrated church youth groups and
posed as reporters to interview peace activists. No doubt in a
post-9/11 world, we should have and use information-gathering
technology to protect national security. But, our government
has no business spying on law-abiding American citizens.
Call For A Privacy Dialogue
These examples of
how the 9/11 terror attacks have sparked a broad effort by the
government to gather intelligence within U.S. borders
demonstrate that we must have a meaningful public dialogue about
privacy in the post-9/11 era.
We need clear
communication about the goals, plans and uses of
information-gathering technology, so that we can think in
advance about the best ways to encourage innovation, while
conserving the public’s right to privacy. Congress’s oversight
role in this regard is indispensable.
Congress must hold
hearings on these issues and draw privacy boundaries where
appropriate, requiring those within our government who collect
and work with private information to understand what is
permitted and what is not.
I also believe it
is time for the White House and for Congress to convene a summit
meeting on these sensitive issues – a moment to take stock of
what privacy rights were, are, and will be in American society.
This White House needs to re-calibrate. It has been devoted to
secrecy – classifying information to conceal its mistakes and
revealing classified information when helpful to its political
purposes. The administration has also been too slow to embrace
legitimate privacy concerns, or even to create a strong Privacy and
Civil Liberties Oversight Board, as Congress required when it
enacted the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of
2004.
This is a dialogue that should cut across the political spectrum,
and it should include constructive, bipartisan hearings. The
earlier we begin this discussion, the greater the prospects for
success in reaching consensus on a set of guiding principles.
Privacy rights, once eroded, are difficult to restore.
I
hope that a bipartisan discussion can now begin on the privacy
challenges posed by surveillance technology in the post-9/11 era.
Thank you for your interest in this important issue, and thanks for
this opportunity to share some ideas with you.
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