Statement Of Sen. Patrick
Leahy,
Chairman, Senate Judiciary Committee,
On S. 214, Preserving United States Attorney Independence Act Of
2007
Senate Floor
March 19, 2007


Over the last several months, the
Judiciary Committee has used hearings, investigation and oversight
to uncover an abuse of power that threatens the independence of U.S.
Attorneys offices around the country and the trust of all Americans
in the independence of our federal law enforcement officials. We
have probed the mass firings of U.S. Attorneys and are trying to get
to the truth in order to prevent these kinds of abuses from
happening again.
Today, the Senate finally begins
debate on S.214, the Preserving United States Attorney Independence
Act of 2007. We have sought Senate consideration of this bill for
more than a month now, but Republican objections have prevented that
debate and vote. Through the Majority Leader’s persistence, he was
ultimately able to obtain consent to proceed to this measure today.
Senator Feinstein gave our bill a
straightforward title: “The Preserving United States Attorney
Independence Act of 2007.” We need to close the loophole exploited
by the Department of Justice and the White House that facilitated
this abuse. The Department of Justice initially fought this bill
when it was in Committee. But since then, in a meeting in my office
on March 8, the Attorney General said the Administration would no
longer oppose this bill. I trust that tomorrow when the Senate
votes on this legislation, we will pass it and take a step toward
restoring the independence of federal law enforcement in this
country.
Politics Have
Corrupted The Law Enforcement Function
The Judiciary Committee will continue
to investigate the firings and we will summon whoever is needed to
get to learn the truth. What we have already learned in the few
documents we have seen from the Department of Justice appears to
confirm that the Attorney General, officials at the Department of
Justice and the White House have previously misled Congress and the
American people about the mass firings and the reasons behind them.
The most fundamental problem is that this Administration has
apparently insisted on corrupting federal law enforcement by
injecting crassly partisan objections into the selection,
evaluation, firing and replacement of the top federal law
enforcement officers around the country, our United States
Attorneys.
We have heard the Attorney General and
the President use what William Schneider has called the “past
exonerative” tense in conceding “mistakes were made.” Attorney
General Gonzales has yet to specify what “mistakes” he made. Was it
a mistake to allow the White House, through the President’s top
political operative and his White House counsel, to force the firing
of a number of high performing, Bush-appointed United States
Attorneys? Was it a mistake for the President and his top political
operative to tell the Attorney General and others in the Department
about concerns that U.S. Attorneys are not pushing fast enough and
hard enough to indict Democrats but are pushing too hard in
corruption investigations involving Republicans? Was it a mistake
to generate, with White House political operatives, a hit list for
firing hard-working United States Attorneys and to ensure that what
they call “loyal Bushies” are retained? Was it a mistake to name
more “loyal Bushies” to replace those United States Attorneys who
have shown some independence in exercising their law enforcement
authority and have acted without fear or favor based on political
party?
This is an Administration that seeks
to justify its unilateralism by an expansive application of its
“unitary executive theory.” But when they get caught, all of a
sudden no one knows anything, no one can remember anything, no one
did anything and no one told the President. Instead, “mistakes were
made.” Is the only “mistake” they are now willing to acknowledge
their failure to cover-up the White House influence over the Justice
Department? Is the only “mistake” they acknowledge that they got
caught in a series of misleading misstatements to Congress, the
media and the American people? I still wonder if the
Administration or the Attorney General understand the seriousness of
the problem.
Yes indeed, mistakes were made. It is
our oversight duty to discover who made those mistakes and how and
why they made them.
The apparent efforts corrupt the
federal law enforcement function and have cast a cloud over all U.S.
Attorneys. Now every U.S. attorney is under that cloud. People are
asking about those who were retained as “loyal Bushies.”
Those fired have had their reputations
rehabilitated to some degree by coming forward as we have publicly
examined the facts of their firings. But those circumstances raise
questions with respect to those retained and what they had to do to
please the White House political operatives in order to keep their
jobs. These mass firings have thus served to undermine the
confidence of the American people in the Department of Justice and
their local U.S. Attorneys.
A recent study of federal
investigations of elected officials and candidates shows a political
slant in the Bush Justice Department in public corruption cases.
The study found that between 2001 and 2006, 79 percent of the
elected officials and candidates who have faced a federal
investigation were Democrats, and only 18 percent Republicans. The
Administration’s track record is wanting, and it again appears to
have been caught with its hand in the cookie jar.
It is true that Presidents have the
power to appoint U.S. Attorneys. That is not in question. What is
raising concerns is the apparent abuse of that authority by removing
U.S. Attorneys for improper reasons. In the same way that any
employer has the power to hire, we understand that people cannot be
fired because they are Catholic or because of their race or because
they are whistleblowers. The power of employment is not without
limit. It can be abused. When it is abused in connection with
political influence over federal law enforcement, the American
people and their representatives in Congress have a right to be
concerned. We need the facts, not more spin, and not yet another
cover story.
The United States Department of
Justice must be above politics. The Attorney General of the United
States has to ensure the independence of federal law enforcement
from political influence. I made no secret during our confirmation
proceedings of my concern whether Mr. Gonzales could serve as an
independent Attorney General on behalf of the American people and
leave behind his role as counselor to President Bush. As the
Nation’s chief federal law enforcement officer, he must carry out
his responsibilities and exercise his awesome authority on behalf of
the American people. He must enforce the law and honor the rule of
law. He must act with the independence necessary to investigate and
prosecute wrongdoing without fear or favor. The political interests
of the President cannot be his guiding light. His “principal” is
not the President, as the Attorney General indicated as recently as
our January 18 hearing; his “client” is the American people, and his
principles must be devoid of partisan politics. His mission is not
to provide legalistic excuses or defenses for unlawful actions of
the Administration -- such as the warrantless wiretapping of
Americans, the use of torture and the issuing of signing statements
to excuse following the law -- but to enforce the law and to ensure
that the federal law enforcement is above politics.
The President can pick anybody he
wants to serve on his White House staff — and does. But when it
comes to the United States Department of Justice and to the U.S.
Attorneys in our home states, Senators have a say and a stake in
ensuring fairness and independence to prevent the federal law
enforcement function from untoward political influence. That is why
the law and the practice has always been that these appointments
require Senate confirmation. The advice and consent check on the
appointment power is a critical function of the Senate. That is
what this Administration insisted be eliminated by the provision it
had inserted in the reauthorization of the PATRIOT Act to remove
limits on the ability of the Attorney General to name a interim
United States Attorneys. That is what our bill is intended to
restore.
Rolling Back
Changes In The Law
We have seen, again, the effects of
letting politics infiltrate the Department and undermine its
independence and the independence of its law enforcement function.
As we have learned more about these
events over the last few months, I was reminded of a dark time some
30 years ago when President Nixon forced the firing of the Watergate
prosecutor Archibald Cox. Not since what came to be known as the
Saturday Night Massacre have we witnessed anything of this
magnitude. The calls to a number of U.S. Attorneys across the
country last December, by which they were forced to resign, were
extraordinary. Unlike during the Watergate scandal, there was no
Elliot Richardson or William Ruckelshaus seeking to defend the
independence of federal prosecutors. Instead, the Attorney General,
the Deputy Attorney General, the Executive Office of U.S. Attorneys
and the White House all apparently collaborated in these efforts to
sack a number of outstanding United States Attorneys.
Sadly, what we have heard from the
Administration about the mass firings has been a series of shifting
explanations and excuses. This lack of accountability or
acknowledgement of the seriousness of this matter makes it all the
more troubling. The Attorney General’s initial response at our
January 18th hearing when we asked about these matters was to brush
aside any suggestion that politics and interference with ongoing
corruption investigations were factors in the mass firings. Now we
know that these factors did play a role in this troubling project.
Today and tomorrow we can take a step
forward by fixing the statutory excess that opened the door to these
untoward actions. I commend Senator Feinstein for leading this
effort and Senator Specter for joining it. We have all cosponsored
the substitute to restore the statutory checks that have existed for
the last 20 years. It is time to take that first step toward
restoring independence by rolling back a change in law that has
contributed to this abuse.
There have been no good answers to our
questions about why the Administration has removed U.S. Attorneys
and not had nominees lined up to replace them. Or why home-state
Democratic Senators were not consulted in advance. There is no
explanation for why there are now 22 out of the 93 districts with
acting or interim U.S. Attorneys instead of Senate-confirmed U.S.
Attorneys.
Sadly, even successfully restoring the
law will not undo the damage done to the American people’s
confidence in federal law enforcement. For that, we need to get to
the truth, real accountability, and a renewed commitment to insulate
federal law enforcement officers from the corrupting influence of
partisan politics and the corrosive influence of White House
intrusion into law enforcement activities.
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