Senate Judiciary Holds Hearing
on Combating War Profiteering
WASHINGTON (Tuesday, March 20) – The
Senate Judiciary Committee held a hearing, “''Combating War
Profiteering: Are We Doing Enough To Investigate and Prosecute
Contracting Fraud and Abuse in Iraq?” on Tuesday focusing on the
widespread contracting fraud, waste and abuse in Iraq.
“Our Nation has sent nearly half a
trillion dollars to Iraq with few or no controls over how that money
has been spent. The Bush Administration has chosen to use private
contractors in this war to a greater extent than at any time in our
history. This trend has raised the cost of this military action by
untold billions,” said Senator Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.), Chairman of
the Committee. “Predictably, these actions by the Bush
Administration have led to widespread fraud, waste and abuse in
Iraq, on a scale that may be unprecedented in our history.”
Leahy has introduced the War
Profiteering Prevention Act of 2007 (S. 119), which would create
criminal penalties for war profiteers and cheats who would exploit
taxpayer-funded efforts in Iraq and elsewhere around the world. The
legislation builds on earlier efforts by Chairman Leahy, who is also
a senior member of the Appropriations Committee, to crack down on
this type of rampant fraud and abuse. It is similar to legislation
Leahy introduced in 2003, that was subsequently passed by the Senate
as part of an appropriations bill but later torpedoed by the White
House and the House Republican leadership, which stripped out the
Leahy provision.
Statement Of Chairman Patrick Leahy
Chairman, Senate Judiciary Committee
Hearing On ''Combating War Profiteering: Are We Doing Enough
To Investigate And Prosecute Contracting Fraud And Abuse In Iraq?”
March 20, 2007


Efforts to combat war profiteering
have a history going as far back as the practices themselves.
During the Civil War, President Lincoln fought against war
profiteers, denouncing them as "worse than traitors." He pushed for
the first federal laws curbing this abuse. In World War II,
President Roosevelt spoke out against "war millionaires" who made
excessive profits exploiting the calamity of war. President Truman,
when he served in the Senate, crossed this country holding
now-famous public hearings to expose gross fraud, waste and abuse by
military contractors. As we observe this week the fourth
anniversary of the war in Iraq, we also must recognize that we
continue to face war profiteering in that conflict. As Iraq Study
Group Co-Chair Lee Hamilton testified before this Committee just a
few weeks ago, contracting fraud and abuse significantly undermine
the current efforts in Iraq.
Our Nation has sent nearly half a
trillion dollars to Iraq with few or no controls over how that money
has been spent. The Bush Administration has chosen to use private
contractors in this war to a greater extent than at any time in our
history. This trend has raised the cost of this military action by
untold billions. Predictably, these actions by the Bush
Administration have led to widespread fraud, waste and abuse in
Iraq, on a scale that may be unprecedented in our history.
The Inspectors General before this
Committee today have reported that billions of dollars spent in Iraq
are unaccounted for and may have been lost to fraud or other
misconduct. These Inspectors General have opened hundreds of
investigations into fraud, waste and abuse in Iraq, Kuwait, and
Afghanistan involving illegal kickbacks, bid-rigging, embezzlement,
and fraudulent over-billing. These investigations have uncovered
crimes committed by employees of the largest government contractors
in Iraq, including Kellogg, Brown & Root, a wholly owned subsidiary
of Halliburton. Many of these matters involve abuse of the now
infamous "cost-plus" and "no-bid" contracts so often used by the
Bush Administration to award huge sums to those with close ties to
this Administration.
Despite these investigations and
mounting evidence of fraud, the Administration has committed
precious few resources to investigate and prosecute those who have
illegally exploited this war for profit. It is as if the Department
of Justice is allergic to demanding the accountability that the
American people deserve when it comes to how taxpayer funds have
been misappropriated.
Regrettably, the earlier rubberstamp
Congress attempted to limit the investigation of fraud in Iraq and
to shut down the office of the Special Inspector General for Iraq
Reconstruction. I am pleased that better sense prevailed and the
inspector general’s authority was reinstated after the people spoke
last November.
During the nearly four years of war,
the Department of Justice has failed to move aggressively enough in
prosecuting fraud in Iraq. As we sit here today, the Inspectors
General before us have more than 70 open and active investigations
in contracting fraud and abuse in this war, but the Justice
Department has only brought six criminal cases involving fewer than
20 individuals over the last three years. Private whistleblowers
have filed numerous civil claims involving Iraq fraud under the
False Claims Act. That is the federal law first used by President
Lincoln to combat war profiteering – a law which was reinvigorated
by Senator Grassley and Congressman Berman during the procurement
scandals of the 1980s. Despite these many cases filed by
whistleblowers, the Justice Department has yet to intervene publicly
in a single case – not one. In fact, to date the Justice Department
has largely chosen not to proceed against the corporations involved
in war profiteering and contracting abuse.
As reported to our Committee by the
Department of Justice, the crimes in many of these criminal cases
were committed by employees of Kellogg, Brown & Root, one of the
largest contractors in Iraq, and a division of Halliburton. In
these cases, KBR employees have admitted to receiving kickbacks,
inflating costs, embezzling money, and stealing millions from the
American people. But so far, the Justice Department has brought no
formal case, civil or criminal, against KBR, or Halliburton, and KBR
has not returned the profits made from the criminal acts of their
employees.
Just last week, we learned that
Halliburton will move its CEO’s headquarters outside the United
States to Dubai, and Halliburton apparently plans to spin off KBR.
Perhaps Halliburton and its CEO are more comfortable in Dubai than
in the United States. But whether they are or not, their move is an
insult to the U.S. soldiers and taxpayers who paid the tab for their
no-bid contracts and endured their overcharges for all these years.
I introduced the War Profiteering
Prevention Act of 2007, S.119, on the first day of this new
Congress. The bill has 18 cosponsors, including Senators Feinstein,
Feingold, Schumer and Durbin, who are members of this Committee. By
this measure we hope to clarify that no one anywhere in the world
can defraud this country during a time of war -- and get away with
it.
This legislation makes acts of war
profiteering a specific crime, and more importantly, this bill
reaches all contracting fraud whether it occurs in this country or
not and whether it is committed by a U.S. citizen or not. Our
legislation applies to all reconstruction and relief activities
overseas to make sure no one can exploit our country in times of
emergency. I have been proposing versions of this bill since 2003,
when it did pass the Senate. Unfortunately, this crucial provision
was stripped out of the final version of a bill by a
Republican-controlled conference committee.
At our hearing today, we will hear
whether this Administration continues to use "cash" contracts in
Iraq, which create obvious risks for fraud and abuse. As we all
know, the Special Inspector General has already disclosed that this
Administration disbursed through the Coalition Provisional Authority
more than $10 billion in cash in Iraq, with little or no accounting
of how the money was spent. And yet, it appears that this practice
has continued in many contracts in Iraq. The Inspectors General
here today are sifting through millions of documents reflecting
these cash disbursements and finding evidence of fraud. “Cash”
contracts create incentives for fraud.
We will also explore why some cases
have not been prosecuted, because of legal disputes about the
extraterritorial reach of U.S. law. That is a problem our War
Profiteering bill would solve.
I hope to get a better understanding
of why the Justice Department has been so slow to act and has not
treated these problems as priorities. During the first three years
of the war, the Department of Justice undertook no specific
initiatives to combat fraud in Iraq, and it appears that there were
few, if any, investigators, other than the Special Inspector
General, to pursue allegations of fraud in Iraq. Only in the last
six months has the Department now formed a task force on these
problems, and that task force has not brought any new cases. I hope
and expect that the Department of Justice can do better in the
future. At the suggestion of our Ranking Member, we invited the
Attorney General to come or send a representative. He has chosen to
designate a deputy assistant from the Criminal Division rather than
anyone from the leadership of the Department.
Congress has sent billions upon
billions of dollars to Iraq with too little accountability and too
few financial controls. More than $50 billion of this money has gone
to private contractors hired to guard bases, drive trucks, feed and
shelter the troops and rebuild the country. Too much of this money
is unaccounted for, and many of the facilities and services that
these funds were supposed to pay for are still nonexistent. We in
Congress must ask: Where did all the money go? We need to press
for more accountability over the use and abuse of billions of
taxpayers’ dollars sent as development aid to Iraq.
A new law to combat war profiteering
in Iraq and elsewhere is sorely needed and long overdue. Although
there are anti-fraud laws to protect against the waste of U.S. tax
dollars at home, no law expressly prohibits war profiteering or
expressly confers jurisdiction on U.S. federal courts to hear fraud
cases involving war profiteering committed overseas. The bill which
once again is before our Committee would criminalize overcharging
taxpayers to defraud and to profit excessively from a war, military
action, or reconstruction efforts. It would also prohibit any fraud
against the United States involving a contract for the provision of
goods or services in connection with a war, military action, or for
relief or reconstruction activities. This crime would be a felony,
subject to criminal penalties of up to 20 years in prison and fines
of up to $1 million, or twice the illegal gross profits of the
crime. The bill also prohibits false statements connected with the
provision of goods or services in connection with a war or
reconstruction effort. This crime would also be a felony, subject to
criminal penalties of up to 10 years in prison and fines of up to $1
million, or twice the illegal gross profits of the crime.
Our bill also addresses weakness in
the existing laws used to combat war profiteering, by providing
clear authority for the Government to seek criminal penalties and to
recover excessive profits for war profiteering overseas. These are
strong and focused sanctions that are narrowly tailored to punish
and deter fraud or excessive profiteering in contracts, both at home
and abroad.
The message sent by this bill is
clear: Any act to exploit the crisis situation in Iraq or elsewhere
overseas for exorbitant gain is unacceptable, reprehensible, and
criminal. Such deceit demeans and exploits the sacrifices that our
military personnel are making in Iraq and Afghanistan, and around
the world. We cannot in good faith ask the American people to
sacrifice for reconstruction efforts that allow some to profit
unfairly. When U.S. taxpayers have been called upon to bear the
burden of reconstruction contracts – where contracts are awarded in
a system that offers little competition and even less accountability
– concerns about wartime profiteering are a grave matter. Combating
war profiteering is not a Democratic issue or a Republican issue.
Rather, it is a cause that all Americans can support.
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