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U.S. SENATOR PATRICK
LEAHY
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CONTACT: Office of Senator
Leahy, 202-224-4242 |
VERMONT |
Leahy Sends Attorney General
Questions In Advance
Of Judiciary Panel’s Oversight Hearing
…Judiciary Chairman Seeks Answers
On U.S. Attorney Firings,
NSL Abuses, Domestic Surveillance Program,
Internal DOJ Probes, Among Other Matters
WASHINGTON
(Wednesday, July 18) – Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy
(D-Vt.) has sent Attorney General Alberto Gonzales a list of
questions he expects the top Justice Department official to be
prepared to answer at the panel’s upcoming oversight hearing on July
24.
In a letter to the
Attorney General a week before the Committee’s hearing, Leahy took
the unusual step of sending
the list of questions,
to give the Attorney General time to prepare adequate responses. In
his letter, Leahy put the Attorney General on notice that the
Committee would expect answers on inconsistencies in the Attorney
General’s public statements and testimony involving the firing of
several U.S. Attorneys as well as the President’s warrantless
wiretapping program.
Leahy also posed questions about recent revelations of
widespread abuse of the use of National Security Letters (NSLs) and
the Attorney General’s knowledge of that abuse as well as several
ongoing internal Justice Department investigations involving
high-ranking officials.
The Attorney
General is scheduled to appear before the Judiciary Committee on
Tuesday, July 24,
at 9:30 a.m.
The text of the letter is below.
A PDF is also available.
July 17, 2007
The Honorable Alberto Gonzales
Attorney General
United States Department of Justice
950 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.
Washington, DC 20530
Dear Attorney General Gonzales:
When you last testified before the
Senate Judiciary Committee on April 19, 2007, you often responded to
questions from Senators on both sides of the aisle that you could
“not recall.” By some counts, you failed to answer more than 100
questions, by other counts more than 70, and the most conservative
count had you failing to provide answers well over 60 times. As a
result, the Committee’s efforts to conduct oversight were
hampered. Senator Specter and I wrote to you after that hearing to
ask you promptly to supplement your testimony on April 19 with
answers to those questions for which you responded that you could
not recall or did not know. In your cursory response, you did not
supplement any of your answers.
I would like to avoid a repeat of that
performance. In order to assist you in your preparation, I send you
the following questions in advance of your July 24 appearance before
the Senate Judiciary Committee.
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On April 19, you testified to the
Senate Judiciary Committee that you had not spoken with anyone
involved in the firings about that process because you did not
want to interfere with the investigation. Again, on May 10, you
testified to the House Judiciary Committee that you had not
spoken with anyone involved in order to protect the integrity of
the investigation. Then on May 23, Monica Goodling testified
under oath before the House Judiciary Committee that she had an
“uncomfortable” conversation with you during which you outlined
your recollection of what happened and asked her for her
reaction to your version. Is Ms. Goodling’s testimony accurate,
and if so, how do you account for your previous, uncorrected
testimony to this Committee?
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On April 19 you testified before
this Committee
that your former Chief of Staff Kyle Sampson was responsible for
putting together the list of U.S. Attorneys to be fired. But on
May 15, the day after Deputy Attorney General Paul McNulty
announced his intention to resign, you said that the firings
were largely Mr. McNulty’s responsibility. Mr. McNulty has said
that he had very limited involvement in the decision of which
U.S. Attorneys to fire. Please describe all of your
interactions with Mr. McNulty related to the replacement of the
nine U.S. Attorneys and your understanding of his role in
deciding which U.S. Attorneys would be fired. Why has your
description of who made the decisions, and who was most involved
in the decision-making process, changed over time?
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While Bradley Schlozman was Acting
Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division at the Justice
Department, he approved pre-clearance of a voter photo
identification provision from the state of Georgia that has
become the focus of extensive criticism about the management of
the Department’s voting section. He authorized a National Voter
Registration Act suit against the State of Missouri, over the
reservations of Todd Graves, then U.S. Attorney for the Western
District of Missouri, who argued that the case lacked merit.
This case was later thrown out of court. Mr. Schlozman admitted
before this Committee that he had bragged about hiring
Republicans to the Civil Rights Division, and he reportedly
advised candidates with Republican political affiliations to
remove them from their resumes before applying to the division.
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Were you aware of these issues
when Mr. Schlozman was appointed interim United States
Attorney in the Western District of Missouri? How did they
affect your decision?
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After Mr. Schlozman was
appointed interim U.S. Attorney in Missouri, he brought
indictments against people affiliated with ACORN, a group
that supported Democratic candidates and that registered
voters, on the eve of a closely contested midterm election
in Missouri, despite the contrary policy expressed in the
Justice Department’s guidebook on “Federal Prosecution of
Election Offenses.” Were you aware of this pre-election
indictment decision? What was your role in the decision?
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Recent documents obtained through
Freedom of Information Act lawsuits and reported in the
Washington Post indicate that you received reports in 2005 and
2006 of violations in connection with the PATRIOT Act and abuses
of National Security Letters (NSLs). These violations
apparently included unauthorized surveillance, illegal searches,
and improper collection of data. These reports were significant
enough to prompt reports to the Intelligence Oversight Board.
Yet, when you testified under oath before the Senate Select
Committee on Intelligence in April 2005, you sought to create
the impression that Americans’ civil liberties and privacy were
being effectively safeguarded and respected,
saying “[t]he track record established over the
past 3 years has demonstrated the effectiveness of the
safeguards of civil liberties put in place when the Act was
passed.” Earlier this month, in responses to written questions
I sent you on behalf of the Senate Judiciary Committee about
when you first learned of problems with NSLs, you, again, did
not mention these earlier reports of problems. Would you like to
revise or correct your misleading April 2005 testimony to the
Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, or your July 6, 2007
response to this Committee’s written questions related to these
issues?
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According to news reports and
briefings provided by the FBI, the FBI has been conducting an
internal audit of its use of National Security Letters that has
confirmed the findings of the March 2007 Inspector General
report that there was “widespread and serious misuse of the
FBI’s national security letter authorities.” Is it your view
that there has been widespread and serious misuse of the
National Security Letter authority?
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When you were asked on February 6,
2006 if any senior Justice Department officials, including your
former deputy, James Comey, expressed concerns about the Bush
Administration’s warrantless electronic surveillance program,
you testified: “I do not believe that these DOJ officials . . .
had concerns about this program.” Mr. Comey subsequently
testified on May 15, 2007 that on March 9, 2004, he informed
you, as White House counsel, and others including the Vice
President, that the Justice Department had concluded that the
Administration’s warrantless electronic surveillance program did
not have a legal basis. He testified that you and former White
House Chief of Staff Andrew Card tried to circumvent him, in his
role as Acting Attorney General, by rushing to the hospital
bedside of ailing former Attorney General John Ashcroft to try
to persuade him to certify the program. Please provide a full
explanation for the legal authorization for the President’s
warrantless electronic surveillance program in March and April
2004.
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Last year, the Iraq Study Group
found that the Iraqi police "cannot control crime, and they
routinely engage in sectarian violence, including unnecessary
detention, torture, and targeted execution of Sunni Arabs
civilians.@
They also found evidence of serious police corruption. They
called for the Department of Justice to take the lead role in
training the Iraqi police force. In January of this year, you
reported to the Judiciary Committee that the Department was
overseeing hundreds of police trainers in Iraq and Jordan. Last
week, the President reported that the Iraqi police had failed,
yet again, to meet the Administration's own benchmarks for
progress.
On the same day as this report, U.S. troops
engaged in a gun battle with Iraqi police on the streets of
Bagdad, where six Iraqi policemen and seven Shiite gunman were
killed defending an Iraqi police lieutenant. On July 13, USA
Today reported that a previously undisclosed investigation by
the army shows that Iraqi police were directly complicit in a
complex insurgent attack on a government compound in Karbala in
January that killed U.S. soldiers. What have you, as Attorney
General, done to improve the Department’s programs for training
Iraqi police over the last six months, what steps have you taken
to combat improper political and sectarian influences within the
Iraqi police, and what grade would you give yourself for this
effort?
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This Committee recently became
aware of a memorandum dated July 10, 2007, and signed by Steven
G. Bradbury as “Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General” for
the Office of Legal Counsel. It contends that Harriet Miers,
who is a former White House Counsel, is “immune from compelled
congressional testimony.” Pursuant to what legal authority did
Mr. Bradbury issue this memorandum, and how is Mr. Bradbury’s
issuance of this memorandum consistent with the Vacancies Act?
At the end of the last Congress, Mr. Bradbury’s nomination to
serve as the Assistant Attorney General for the Office of Legal
Counsel was returned to the President.
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The Department’s July 9, 2007,
report on its data mining activities raises many questions about
the impact of these programs on American’s privacy and civil
liberties. In the Judiciary Committee’s hearing earlier this
year on privacy and civil liberties implications of government
data mining programs, several witnesses concluded that data
mining programs are not effective tools for combating
terrorism. Has the Justice Department conducted audits or
studies demonstrating that its data mining programs, such as the
STAR program, are effective tools for identifying potential
terrorists?
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In 2003, Congress unanimously
passed the Hometown Heroes law to extend federal survivor
benefits to the families of firefighters, police officers, and
emergency workers who die of heart attack or stroke in the line
of duty. The legislation was intended to create a presumption
that the heart attack or stroke was caused by work in the line
of duty, unless there was clear evidence to the contrary.
However, more than three and a half years after Hometown Heroes
became law, the Justice Department has approved only six claims
and denied 48 claims out of nearly 260 applications. Many
families have been waiting for a decision from the department on
their claims since the bill became law in December 2003. Why
has the Justice Department taken so long to decide Hometown
Heroes claims? Why is there only a three percent acceptance
rate for Hometown Heroes claims?
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Given the Administration’s
resistance to congressional oversight, its misleading and
self-serving statements, its having denied security clearances
to Office of Professional Responsibility investigators reviewing
actions taken in connection with the President’s warrantless
electronic surveillance program, and the ineffectiveness of
other internal review mechanism, such as the Privacy and Civil
Liberties Oversight Board and the Intelligence Oversight Board,
why should Congress or the American people have any confidence
in your recent announcement implementing “a significant new
national security oversight and compliance effort”?
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Other Inspectors General can
investigate misconduct throughout their agencies. Apparently,
the Department of Justice Inspector General suffers under a
limitation that restricts his ability to investigation
misconduct by you, the Deputy Attorney General, and other senior
Department lawyers. Will you agree to the removal of this
limitation on the Department of Justice Inspector General so
that the Inspector General may investigate misconduct by you,
other senior Department of Justice officials, lawyers, and law
enforcement agents?
I remind you that any testimony you
wish to submit is due at least 48 hours before the hearing. I look
forward to your testifying on July 24.
Sincerely,
PATRICK LEAHY
Chairman
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