Statement Of Sen. Patrick
Leahy (D-Vt.),
Chairman, Senate Judiciary
Committee,
On The Nomination Of
Michael B. Mukasey
To Be Attorney General Of The United States
November 6, 2007


I spoke in Vermont last Friday
about my decision to vote against the President’s nomination. I
wish to emphasize a few important points this morning.
Nothing is more fundamental to our
constitutional democracy than our basic notion that no one is
above the law. This Administration has undercut that precept
time after time. They are now trying to do it again, with an
issue as fundamental as whether the United States of America
will join the ranks of those governments that approve of
torture. This President and Vice President should not be
allowed to violate our obligations under the Convention Against
Torture and the Geneva Conventions or disregard U.S. statutes
such as our Detainee Treatment Act and War Crimes Act. They
should not be allowed to overturn more than 200 years of our
Nation’s human rights and moral leadership around the world.
The Administration has compounded
its lawlessness by cloaking its policies and miscalculations
under a veil of secrecy, leaving Congress, the courts, and the
American people in the dark about what they are doing. The
President says that we do not torture, but had his lawyers
redefine torture down in secret memos, in fundamental conflict
with American values and law.
I agree with the Generals, the
Admirals, and our JAG officers that waterboarding is torture and
is illegal. If an American were waterboarded anywhere in the
world, would we have to know the “circumstances” and purported
justifications for it before condemning it? Of course not.
Some have sought to find comfort
in Judge Mukasey’s personal assurance that he would enforce a
future, new law against waterboarding if this Congress were to
pass one. Unsaid, of course, is the fact that any such
prohibition would have to be enacted over the veto of this
President.
But the real damage of this
argument is not its futility. The real harm is that it
presupposes that we do not already have laws and treaty
obligations against waterboarding. In fact, we do. No Senator
should abet this Administration’s legalistic obfuscations by
those such as Alberto Gonzales, John Yoo, and David Addington by
agreeing that the laws on the books do not already make
waterboarding illegal. We have been prosecuting water torture
for more than 100 years.
When a top legal adviser at our
State Department cannot say that the waterboarding of an
American is illegal, and our State Department cannot forcefully
rule it out as a “technique” that might be okay for other
countries’ foreign intelligence services to use against U.S.
citizens, we see how far wrong this Administration has headed.
When asked at a recent public debate whether he could imagine
any circumstance in which waterboarding could be justified on an
American national by a foreign intelligence service, John
Bellinger of the State Department said, “one would have to apply
the facts to the law” and when pressed he said that he was not
willing to “include it or exclude it” and that he did not want
to “get involved in abstract discussions.” That is so wrong
that it is chilling.
When it comes to our core values –
the things that make our country great and that define America’s
place in the world – it does not depend on the circumstances.
America, the great and good Nation that has been a beacon to the
world on human rights, does not torture and should stand against
torture.
That is not what America stands
for. Indeed, the better example is set by the Army Field
Manual, which instructs our forces to consider how we would
react if what a soldier was about to do to someone was done to
an American soldier.
In their recent letter to the
nominee, Senators Warner, McCain, and Graham recognize, as I do
and as I hope all Senators do, that: “Waterboarding, under any
circumstances, represents a clear violation of U.S. law.”
Finally, when the Administration
and others say that we cannot say whether America waterboards
people because it would tip off our enemies, they have it
precisely wrong. That is about as effective as Saddam Hussein
hinting that he had weapons of mass destruction when he did not
in order to impress his enemies. In refusing to say that we do
not waterboard prisoners, we give license to others. When the
United States cannot state clearly that waterboarding is torture
and illegal and will not be tolerated, what does that mean for
other governments, and what comfort does that provide the
world’s most repressive regimes?
I wish that I could support Judge
Mukasey’s nomination. I like Michael Mukasey. But this is an
Administration that has been acting outside the law and an
Administration that has now created a “confirmation
contortion.” When many of us voted to confirm General Petreas,
the Administration turned around and, for political advantage,
tried to claim that when we voted to confirm the nominee, we
also voted for the President’s war policies. Just as I do not
support this President’s Iraq policy, I do not support his
torture policy or his views of unaccountability or unlimited
Executive power.
No one is more eager to restore
strong leadership and independence to the Department of Justice
than I. What we need most right now is an Attorney General who
believes and understands that there must be limitations on
Executive power. America needs to be certain of the bedrock
principles in our laws and our values that no President and no
American can be authorized to violate. Accordingly, I vote no
on the President’s nomination.