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U.S. SENATOR PATRICK LEAHY

CONTACT: Office of Senator Leahy, 202-224-4242

VERMONT


Statement Of Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.),

Chairman, Senate Judiciary Committee,

On The Nomination Of John Daniel Tinder To The Seventh Circuit

December 18, 2007

 

We end the 2007 legislative session as we began it, by making significant progress confirming the President’s nominations for lifetime appointments to the federal bench.  At the Judiciary Committee’s first business meeting of the year, held less than two weeks after the Republican caucus agreed to the resolutions organizing the Senate, I included on our agenda five judicial nominations.  On January 30, the Senate confirmed the first two judicial nominations of the session.  Today’s confirmation of John Daniel Tinder to the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit will be the 40th, including six of this President’s nominations to powerful circuit courts.

 

I thank the Members of the Judiciary Committee for their hard work all year in considering these important nominations.  I thank especially those Senators who have given generously of their time to chair confirmation hearings throughout the year. 

 

Given the work of the Senators serving on the Judiciary Committee, we will have exceeded the yearly total in each of the last three years when a Republican majority managed the Senate and the consideration of this Republican President’s nominations.  Indeed, with the confirmation today of Judge Tinder to replace Judge Daniel A. Manion, like that of Reed O’Connor who was confirmed last month to the Northern District, we are proceeding to fill vacancies before they even arise. 

 

The progress we have made this year in considering and confirming judicial nominations is sometimes lost amid the partisan sniping over a handful of controversial nominations and attempts to appeal to some on the far right wing.  When we confirm the nomination we consider today, the Senate will have confirmed 40 nominations for lifetime appointments to the Federal bench this session alone.  That is more than the total number of judicial nominations that a Republican-led Senate confirmed in all of 1996, 1997, 1999, 2000, 2004, 2005 or 2006.  It is 23 more confirmations than were achieved during the entire 1996 session, more than double that session’s total of 17, when Republicans stalled consideration of President Clinton’s nominations.  It is seven more than the confirmations in the second to last year of President Clinton’s final term.  

 

We continue to make progress on circuit court nominations.  We began the year by resolving an unnecessary controversy over Judge Norman Randy Smith’s nomination to one of California’s seats on the Ninth Circuit.  That nomination could easily have been confirmed—and a judicial emergency addressed—in the last Congress had the Bush Administration chosen the common-sense approach of nominating Judge Smith—who is from Idaho—to Idaho’s seat on the Ninth Circuit.  After many months of urging by me and others, President Bush finally did the right thing at the beginning of this Congress by pulling the controversial Myers nomination to Idaho’s Ninth Circuit seat and nominating Judge Smith, instead.  He was confirmed in February.  We could make even more progress if the President would make a California nomination to fill the long-vacant California Ninth Circuit seat left open by Judge Stephen Trott’s retirement.

 

We continued through the year to consider and confirm district and circuit court judges.  In October, the Senate confirmed the nominations of Judges Jennifer Walker Elrod and Judge Leslie Southwick, who became the fourth and fifth circuit court nominees confirmed this year.   

 

After this confirmation today, the Senate will have confirmed six circuit court nominees, matching the total circuit court confirmations for all of 2001.  We will also have exceeded the circuit court totals achieved in all of 2004 when a Republican-led Senate was considering this President’s circuit nominees; all of 1989; all of 1983, when a Republican-led Senate was considering President Reagan’s nominees; all of 1993 when a Democratic-led Senate was considering President Clinton’s nominees; and, of course, the entire 1996 session during which a Republican-led Senate did not confirm a single one of President Clinton’s circuit nominees the entire session.

 

The treatment of President Clinton’s nominees contrasts harshly with the treatment Democrats gave the circuit court nominees of Presidents Reagan and Bush in the Presidential election years of 1988 and 1992.  In those two election years, the Democratic-controlled Senate averaged nine circuit court confirmations.  Regrettably, the Republican Senate reversed that course in the treatment of President Clinton’s circuit court nominations, confirming an average of only four in the Presidential election years of 1996 and 2000, and none in the entire 1996 session.

 

At the end of the 106th Congress, the last two years of the Clinton Administration, the Republican-led Senate returned to the President without action 17 of his appellate court nominees.  I have not duplicated that record and I do not intend to, any more than I intend to see the Senate pocket filibuster more than 60 of President Bush’s judicial nominees, as Republicans did with President Clinton’s. 

 

It is a little known fact that during the Bush Presidency, more circuit judges, more district judges -- more total judges -- were confirmed in the first 24 months that I served as Judiciary Chairman than during the 2-year tenures of either of the two Republican Chairmen working with Republican Senate majorities.   

I continue to try to find ways to make progress.  Last month, I sent the President a letter urging him to work with me, Senator Specter, and home-state Senators to send us more well-qualified, consensus nominations.  Now is the time for him to send us more nominations that could be considered and confirmed as his Presidency approaches its last year, before the Thurmond Rule kicks in.

As I noted in that letter, I have been concerned that several recent nominations seem to be part of an effort to pick political fights rather than judges to fill vacancies.   For example, President Bush nominated Duncan Getchell to one of Virginia’s Fourth Circuit Vacancies over the objections of Senators Warner and Webb, one a Republican and one a Democrat.  They had submitted a list of five recommended nominations, and specifically warned the White House not to nominate Mr. Getchell.  As a result, this nomination that is opposed by Democratic and Republican home-state Senators is one that cannot move.

The Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts will list 43 judicial vacancies and 14 circuit court vacancies after today’s confirmations.  Compare that to the numbers at the end of the 109th Congress, when the total vacancies under a Republican controlled Judiciary Committee were 51 judicial vacancies and 15 circuit court vacancies.  That means, that despite the additional 5 vacancies that arose at the beginning of the 110th Congress, the current vacancy totals under my chairmanship of the Judiciary Committee are below where they were under a Republican led-Judiciary Committee. 

 

The President has sent us 27 nominations for these remaining vacancies.  Sixteen of these vacancies – more than one third – have no nominee.  Of the 17 vacancies deemed by the Administrative Office to be judicial emergencies, the President has yet to send us nominees for seven, nearly half of them.  If the President would decide to work with the Senators from Michigan, Rhode Island, Maryland, California, New Jersey, and Virginia, we could be in position to make even more progress. 

 

Of the 16 vacancies without any nominee, the President has violated the timeline he set for himself at least 11 times -- 11 have been vacant without so much as a nominee for more than 180 days.  The number of violations may in fact be much higher since the President said he would nominate within 180 days of receiving notice that there would be a vacancy or intended retirement rather than from the vacancy itself.   We conservatively estimate that he also violated his own rule 15 times in connection with the nominations he has made.  That would mean that with respect to the 43 vacancies, the President is out of compliance with his own rule more than half of the time.   

 

We have succeeded in dramatically lowering vacancies and, in particular, circuit court vacancies.  We have helped cut the circuit vacancies from a high water mark of 32 in the early days of this Administration to as low as 13 this year.  Contrast that with the Republican-led Senate’s lack of action on President Clinton’s moderate and qualified nominees that resulted in increasing circuit vacancies during the Clinton years from 17 when he was inaugurated to 26 at the end of his term.  During those years, the Republican-led Senate engaged in strenuous and successful efforts under the radar to keep circuit judgeships vacant in anticipation of a Republican President.  More than 60 percent of current circuit court judges were appointed by Republican Presidents, with the current President having appointed more than 30 percent of the active circuit judges already. 

 

The American people expect the federal courts to be fair forums where justice is dispensed without favor to the right or the left.  I have set out since the beginning of this Congress to do all that I can to ensure that the federal judiciary remains independent and able to provide justice to all Americans.  These are the only lifetime appointments in our entire government, and they matter.  I will continue in the 2008 session to work with Senators from both sides of the aisle as I have in the 2007 session.

John Daniel Tinder has a decade of service as a District Court Judge for the Southern District of Indiana.  Before his tenure on the bench, he worked for seven years at the Justice Department as U.S. Attorney and Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Sothern District of Indiana.  He has worked in private practice and has experience as a county prosecutor and county public defender.  His nomination has the support of both home-state Senators.  I acknowledge the support of Senators Lugar and Bayh, and want to thank Senator Durbin for chairing the hearing on this nomination. 

 

While I support Judge Tinder’s confirmation, I am concerned about his answer to a question I sent him on the legal significance of Presidential signing statements.  I asked Judge Tinder if an alleged violation of the law prohibiting cruel, inhuman, and degrading conduct by American personnel were to come before a court, would it be appropriate for that court to consider the President’s signing statement as legislative history, in addition to the text of law itself.  I am troubled by Judge Tinder’s answer that he is open to looking at signing statements as a tool for determining the meaning of a statute.

 

Throughout the country’s history, Presidents used signing statements for limited purposes, such as explaining to the public the likely effects of legislation or providing direction to administrative agencies within the Executive Branch.  It has long been considered out of bounds for any President to use signing statements – which are at most post-passage remarks – for the more expansive and controversial purpose of creating legislative history that our courts would be expected to follow.  Legislative history is created within the Congress, which is charged by the Constitution with considering and passing laws.  The President may veto legislation, but the constitutional system of checks and balances does not allow the President to speak for Congress.

 

The Nation stands at a pivotal moment in history, where Americans are faced with a President who makes sweeping claims for almost unchecked Executive power.  This President has used signing statements to challenge laws banning torture, laws on affirmative action, and laws that prohibit the censorship of scientific data.  When the President uses signing statements to unilaterally rewrite laws enacted by Congress, he undermines the rule of law and our constitutional checks and balances.  It is incumbent upon the federal judiciary, to safeguard and protect the constitutional balance when necessary.

 

I hope that Judge Tinder will fulfill his oath and be an independent buffer against constitutional overreaching.  I congratulate the nominee and his family on his confirmation today.

 

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