Statement Of Senator Patrick Leahy,
Chairman, Senate Judiciary
Committee,
On
Legislative History Of Judicial Review
Provisions
October 1, 2008
Responding to the national economic crisis has
been the focus of our efforts here in the Senate for over a week.
I have been consulted by Senator Christopher Dodd, Chairman of the
Banking Committee, on the financial bailout proposal. I thank
him for all of his hard work to address this complex problem.
As Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, I wish to inform all
my fellow Senators about the intent with which the judicial review
provisions were drafted. I believe it is especially important
for Senators to have this understanding before Members of the Senate
vote on this legislation.
From the very moment I received the
administration’s proposal, I have objected to any measure that
strips the courts from playing their indispensible role as a check
on executive power. I have insisted at every stage in the
negotiations that the traditional Administrative Procedures Act
review apply to the Secretary of Treasury’s actions, as well as any
constitutional review that our courts are charged with in our
democracy.
It was of utmost importance to me to see that
judicial review has been maintained in the version that we will be
considering in light of the authority this legislation will give to
the Treasury Secretary. This review is primarily based on
traditional court review under the Administrative Procedures Act.
In that section, the word "law" means any State or Federal law, or
common law interpreting such State and Federal laws. This is a
crucial distinction and it is not the intent of the drafters of
these provisions to allow the Secretary of the Treasury to vitiate
any private right of action on behalf of shareholders based on
Federal statute or judicial interpretation of a Federal statute.
With this legislation, Congress does not intend to allow any
financial institution that participates in this plan to gain
immunity from suit, nor permit the Secretary to confer such immunity
on any participant.
As Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, my
other top priority for this legislation has been that the Secretary
not be able to interfere with or impair the claims or defenses
available to any other person. Americans harmed by corruption
on Wall Street should not have their causes of action affected by
the Secretary in any way. Truth in Lending Act claims should
be allowed to proceed in due course. Shareholders who have
been injured by the misconduct of corporate board members or
executives should be able to file and continue their claims against
those corporations. It is my understanding and intention that
none of these causes of action should be harmed or otherwise
affected by our bailout legislation. This is why we included a
savings clause to make this explicit.
We heard repeatedly from the administration that
they were concerned that rogue judges would award injunctions and
thwart the emergency actions needed for the Secretary to calm the
financial crisis. By agreeing to the administration’s request
on injunctions we intend for damages actions to be the avenue of
relief for any misconduct, should it occur, on the part of the
Secretary. We were assured that existing waivers of sovereign
immunity under the Tucker Act, the Contracts Dispute Act, the Little
Tucker Act, the Federal Tort Claims Act and relevant civil rights
laws would apply to the Treasury Department’s new responsibilities,
just as these laws have applied to the Treasury Department’s actions
prior to the bailout measure.
We have also insisted on protection for consumers
who are parties to mortgage agreements by including a provision to
make sure that any rights or claims held by a consumer in relation
to those loans, whether under the terms of the mortgage or Federal
or state law, are preserved in the event those loans are transferred
to the Federal government.
It is not the intent of Congress to deprive homeowners of recourse against
those lenders who, through greed, irresponsible lending, or outright
fraud, led people into taking out unadvisable loan products and who
were responsible for contributing to those homeowners’ current
mortgage struggles. Once again, it is imperative that the
extraordinary authority Congress has given to the Treasury Secretary
not be at the expense of the rights of American citizens to enforce
the terms of their contracts, or to rely upon state and Federal laws
that protect against fraudulent lending practices or other deceptive
behavior.
Even in emergencies, it is important that the
Federal government exercise its authority consistent with the rule
of law. Congressional negotiators were aware of the
administration’s call for immediate reaction, but I believe we acted
responsibly by taking the time to ensure that adequate legal
protections were provided in the legislation. The courts play
a fundamental role in our democratic system of government, and will
be especially important in ensuring that these new authorities are
used responsibly.
Americans must have the confidence that those
harmed by the conduct of any financial institution can access their
courts for redress, despite this legislation. The Congress is
aware of civil litigation brought by shareholders, or by or on
behalf of financial institutions that purchased troubled assets,
against officers, directors and in some cases counterparties whose
alleged misconduct caused or contributed to their losses. The
Congress is also aware of media reports of criminal investigations.
These matters are for the justice system to resolve on an individual
basis, but the Secretary and the Executive Branch should generally
cooperate with public and private efforts to recover losses from
wrongdoers in the financial markets, whether brought by a
governmental entity, securities purchasers, the corporation itself,
or asserted on behalf of the corporation derivatively. Nothing
in this Act is meant to detract from any rights or recovery against
private parties to redress wrongdoing that exist under Federal or
state law.
I thank the leadership for consulting me during
the drafting and redrafting process and for incorporating my
language into the provisions providing for judicial review.
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