Statement Of Senator Patrick Leahy
(D-Vt.),
Chairman, Senate Judiciary Committee,
Hearing On
"Getting To The Truth Through A Nonpartisan Commission Of Inquiry”
March 4, 2009

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In the wake of the
tragic attacks on September 11, 2001, we came together as Americans.
We need to do so, again, in these difficult economic times.
Regrettably, too many seem mesmerized by the siren call of talk radio
personalities and extreme special interest groups. Far from
grasping the bipartisan hand that President Obama has extended,
congressional Republicans are, with few exceptions, following the play
book laid out by conservative pundits to “obstruct and delay.”
Nothing has done more to damage
America’s place in the world than the revelation that this Nation
stretched the law and the bounds of executive power to authorize torture
and cruel treatment. The Bush administration chose this course,
but tried to keep its policies and actions secret, knowing that they
could not withstand scrutiny in the light of day. How many times did
President Bush go before the world and say that we did not torture and
that we acted in accordance with law?
There are some who resist any
effort to look back at all, while others are fixated on prosecution,
even if it takes all of the next eight years, or more, and further
divides this country.
Over the last month, I have
suggested a middle ground to get to the truth of what went on during the
last several years, in a way that invites cooperation. I believe
that that might best be accomplished though a nonpartisan commission of
inquiry. I would like to see this done in a manner removed from
partisan politics. Such a commission of inquiry would shed light
on what mistakes were made so that we can learn from these errors and
not repeat them.
Today’s hearing is to explore
that possibility. I am encouraged that many have already embraced
this idea, including several of the distinguished witnesses I welcome
today. These are witnesses who speak from experience about the
need to uncover the truth and shed light on our policies for the good of
our Nation, to ensure that we have strong national security policies and
to ensure that we do not make repeat mistakes. I look forward to
their discussion.
As Justice Kennedy said in the
recent Supreme Court decision restoring the great writ of habeas corpus,
the Constitution is not something an administration is able “to switch …
on and off at will.” We must not be afraid to look at what we have
done, to hold ourselves accountable as we do other nations who make
mistakes. We must understand that national security means
protecting our country by advancing our laws and values, not discarding
them.
This idea for a commission of
inquiry is not something to be imposed. Its potential is lost if
we do not join together. Today is another opportunity for
Republicans to come forward to find the facts and join is developing a
process to reach a mutual understanding of what went wrong and learn
from it. If they remain absent or resistant, this opportunity can
be lost, and calls for accountability through more traditional means
will become more insistent and compelling.
I held early hearings exploring
how our detention policies and practices, from Guantanamo to Abu Ghraib,
have seriously eroded fundamental American principles of the rule of
law. I think that we are less safe as a result of the mistakes of
the last administration’s national security policies. I also
believe that, in order to restore our moral leadership, we must
acknowledge what was done in our name. We cannot turn the page
until we have read the page.
President Obama, Attorney General
Holder and others in the new administration are already hard at work on
detainee and interrogation policies to determine the best way to form
effective and lawful national security policies. A commission of
inquiry would address the rest of the picture, to understand the full
extent of what our country did and why it happened. With a
targeted mandate, it could focus on the issues of national security and
executive power in the government’s counterterrorism efforts, including
the issues of cruel interrogation, extraordinary rendition, and
executive override of laws. We have had successful oversight in
some areas, but on these issues, we have remained too much in the dark.
People with first-hand knowledge
would be invited to come forward and share their experiences and
insight, not for purposes of constructing criminal indictments, but to
assemble the facts. If needed, such a process could involve
subpoena powers, and even authority to obtain immunity to secure
information, in order to get to the whole truth. Of course, this
avenue would be pursued in consultation with the Justice Department and
would not rule out prosecution for perjury.
Vice President Dick Cheney and
others from the Bush administration continue to assert that their
tactics, including torture, were appropriate and effective. We
must not let only one side define history on such important questions.
It is important for an independent body to hear these assertions, but
also from others, if we are going to make an objective and independent
judgment about what happened, and whether it made our nation safer or
less safe.
Just this week, the Department of
Justice released more alarming documents from the Office of Legal
Counsel demonstrating the Bush administration’s pinched view of
constitutionally protected rights. These memos disregarded the Fourth
and First Amendments, justifying warrantless searches, the suppression
of free speech, surveillance without warrants, and transferring people
to countries known to conduct interrogations that violate human rights.
How can anyone suggest that such policies do not deserve a thorough,
objective review?
I am encouraged that the Obama
administration is moving forward. But how did we get to a point
where we were holding a legal U.S. resident for more than five years in
a military brig without ever bringing charges against him? How did
we get to a point where Abu Ghraib happened? How did we get to a
point where the United States Government tried to make Guantanamo Bay a
law-free zone, in order to try to deny accountability for our actions?
How did we get to a point where our premier intelligence agency, the
CIA, destroyed nearly 100 videotapes with evidence of how detainees were
being interrogated? How do we make sure it never happens, again?
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