Statement Of Senator Patrick Leahy
On The Situation In Sri Lanka
Senate Floor
June 4, 2009
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, the recent defeat of Sri Lanka's Tamil Tigers,
otherwise known as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, or LTTE, is a
very welcome development. Led by a reclusive, cult-like figure who
apparently saw no evil in forcibly recruiting and brainwashing young
children to become suicide bombers, the LTTE long ago forfeited any
legitimate claim to representing the interests of the Tamil population.
This resounding victory offers the possibility--after 30 long years of
conflict, including ruthless acts of terrorism by the LTTE and other
atrocities against civilians by both sides--of lasting peace for all
inhabitants of that small island nation.
I first became interested in Sri Lanka when a good friend, James Spain,
was the U.S. Ambassador there. He often told me of the beauty of the
country and its people, and it has been painful to observe the suffering
that has befallen them. That suffering was further exacerbated by the
tsunami which crashed ashore in December 2004, causing immense
destruction and loss of life. A member of my staff was in Sri Lanka at
that time, but far enough inland to escape harm.
I have strongly supported humanitarian aid for Sri Lanka, and 2 years
ago, as chairman of the State and Foreign Operations Subcommittee, I
included additional funding for economic development in the north
eastern region of the island after the LTTE were forced to retreat from
that area. I look forward to being able to support additional
reconstruction aid, so the northern communities that have been trapped
in poverty and devastated by the conflict can recover. But for that to
occur, several things need to happen.
The war claimed the lives of tens of thousands of Sri Lankan soldiers,
LTTE combatants, and civilians. The tremendous loss and grief suffered
by the families of both sides needs to be acknowledged in order for
reconciliation to occur.
The government should immediately account for all persons detained in
the conflict. It should provide access by international humanitarian
organizations and the media to affected areas and to populations of
internally displaced persons who remain confined in camps, which should
be administered by civilian authorities. These people should be allowed
to leave the camps as soon as possible so they can start to rebuild
their lives.
As soon as possible, the government needs to begin implementing policies
for the devolution of power to provincial councils in the north and east
as provided for in Sri Lanka's Constitution. This and other steps are
needed to demonstrate that all Sri Lankans can live without fear and
participate freely in the political process. It must address the
longstanding, legitimate grievances of the Tamil population so they can
finally enjoy the equal rights and opportunities to which they, like
other Sri Lankan citizens, are entitled.
There is also the issue of accountability for violations of the laws of
war. The LTTE had a long history of flagrant violations of human rights,
including kidnappings, extrajudicial killings, disappearances, and
deliberately targeting civilians. The Sri Lankan military engaged in
similar crimes. Although the Sri Lankan Government prevented access for
journalists to the war zone in order to avoid scrutiny of the military's
conduct, video footage was smuggled out. And as the smoke has lifted
from the battlefield there are reports that thousands of Tamil civilians
who were trapped in the so-called safe zone perished in the last months
of the war. There is abundant evidence that they were deliberately
targeted with relentless shelling and aerial bombardments, despite
repeated appeals by the international community that they be spared.
There are also growing fears of retaliatory attacks against those who
criticized such tactics.
The recent decision of the United Nations Human Rights Council rejecting
calls, including by Navi Pillay, the United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights, for an international investigation of these violations
is unfortunate but not surprising. Several of the Council's members
routinely arbitrarily imprison and torture political opponents in their
own countries. The Sri Lankan Government, which seeks international aid
to rebuild, insists that what occurred there is an ``internal'' matter
and that for outsiders to call for an independent investigation and
justice for the victims is an ``infringement of sovereignty.'' To the
contrary, the denial of basic rights and freedoms is a legitimate
concern of people everywhere, whenever it occurs.
It is now incumbent on the Sri Lankan authorities to demonstrate that
the rule of law is respected, that sweeping security measures that have
been used to silence journalists, doctors, lawyers and other citizens
who have criticized government policies are revised or repealed, that
the government takes seriously its duty to defend the rights of all Sri
Lankans irrespective of religious affiliation or ethnicity, and that
those responsible for crimes against humanity or other violations of
human rights are held accountable.
Thankfully, a long, bloody chapter of Sri Lanka's history has ended. But
it is the next chapter that will determine whether justice and lasting
peace can be achieved. If the Sri Lankan Government seizes this
opportunity to unite the Sri Lankan people in support of an inclusive
effort to address the causes of the conflict, the United States will be
a strong partner in that effort.
# # # # #
